Wisconsin legislature supports mental health — just not therapy

One of the more disturbing trends I’ve seen in the mental health landscape lately is policymakers voicing support for mental health care, but not actually providing funding for anything but medication and crisis intervention.
Lots of states reduced their funding for psychotherapy during the economic downturn, and now that the economy is slowly churning back to life, there seems little appetite to restore that money so that people struggling with mental illnesses who may not be actively in crisis can be seen regularly by a therapist.
Case in point: Wisconsin, where the state’s legislature this week sent Governor Scott Walker fully a dozen bills under the banner of promoting and expanding mental health care in the state. The bills will spend a total of $4 million over two years, and the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel report on the mental health bills begins by saying the money will be spent on “treatment,” among other things, which sounds great at first. But the details of the article make clear where the money’s going, and it isn’t to psychotherapy.
Many of the bills don’t actually spend much money at all. One bill, for example, would allow “children with severe emotional disabilities to get in-home treatment through taxpayer-funded Medicaid programs without first requiring them to fail in outpatient treatment, as currently required.”
That’s certainly laudable, and as is the case with most of these bills, I do think they’re important and worthy of support. (The only ones I’m less sure of policy-wise are those that make involuntary commitment easier.) Just pointing out that the state is focusing its money on just about everything but psychotherapy, in spite of reams of evidence that therapy works.
What are they actually spending those millions on? These:

  • $250,000 in grants for mental health crisis intervention teams of law enforcement officers.
  • $1.5 million in grants for physicians and psychiatrists to practice in rural areas.
  • $250,000 in grants for “respite centers” run by (non-therapist) peers, for those in a mental health or substance abuse crisis that warrants attention but not hospitalization.
  • $970,000 to expand a state program that helps find jobs for people with mental illnesses.
  • $250,000 a year for mobile intervention teams to respond to mental health crises in rural areas.

There you have it: More than $3 million on mental health care (expenses from the other bills bring the total to about $4m, according to the Journal Sentinel), spent entirely on crisis intervention, law enforcement, medical practitioners, and peer supports. Those are all worthy expenses, but psychotherapists get nothing? That seems sort of like building a house without a place to sleep: Missing not just a key component, but arguably the most essential component.I’m not from Wisconsin, so it may well be that therapists in the state are doing just fine, thankyouverymuch. But I doubt it. I would welcome Wisconsinites to weigh in.
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By the way, there’s of course a reasonable debate to be had about the overlap between “crisis intervention” and “therapy.” Psychotherapists do a fair amount of crisis work. My point is that no money is being put into even short-term psychotherapy beyond an immediate crisis, which typically means something life-threatening.
Your comments are welcome. You can post them in the comments below, by email to ben[at]bencaldwell[dot]com, or on my Twitter feed.

Washington, Texas, Arizona, Michigan weighing “conscience clause” laws

Far-reaching laws would appear to place therapists’ religious values above anti-discrimination rules.

The Washington State Capitol
The states of Washington, Texas, Arizona, and Michigan have joined a growing list of states considering so-called “conscience clause” legislation, that would allow health care providers (including therapists) to refuse to treat specific types of clients based on the therapist’s religious beliefs. Kansas governor Sam Brownback signed such bill into law in March, and a Kentucky bill was passed into law earlier this year through an override of the Governor’s veto.

While some states have designed such bills specifically for health care settings, most of the recent conscience clause bills apply to all work settings that require state licensure or other involvement of state government. They use language very similar to that of the successful Kentucky bill:

“Government shall not substantially burden a person’s freedom of religion. The right to act or refuse to act in a manner motivated by a sincerely held religious belief may not be substantially burdened unless the government proves by clear and convincing evidence that it has a compelling governmental interest in infringing the specific act or refusal to act and has used the least restrictive means to further that interest. A ‘burden’ shall include indirect burdens such as withholding benefits, assessing penalties, or an exclusion from programs or access to facilities.”

As I mentioned in my earlier discussion of the Kentucky law, such language in any state would make it exceedingly difficult for marriage and family therapy graduate programs (if they receive state funding) to discipline or expel students who plainly state their intent to discriminate when providing therapy services. It would also mean that state licensure boards would have a high burden when attempting to discipline the license of a therapist who was discriminatory in their practice.

While written to protect religious freedom in broad terms, it can be argued that these laws are emerging with a more specific, if not directly spoken, purpose in mind: to allow religious business owners and health care providers to freely discriminate against gay and lesbian clients. That has certainly been a concern with the Kentucky religious freedom law. The Washington law, meanwhile, arose in response to a consumer protection lawsuit that the state’s Attorney General filed against a florist who had refused to provide flowers for a gay couple’s wedding (same-sex marriage is legal in Washington). The lawsuit argued that the florist, who cited religion in refusing to serve the couple, was illegally discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation.

The text of the proposed conscience clause legislation in Washington makes the target of the law clear once you know what the bolded language here means (emphasis added):

Nothing in this section may burden a person or religious organization’s freedom of religion including, but not limited to, the right of an individual or entity to deny services if providing those goods or services would be contrary to the individual’s or entity owner’s sincerely held religious beliefs, philosophical beliefs, or matters of conscience. This subsection does not apply to the denial of services to individuals recognized as a protected class under federal law applicable to the state as of the effective date of this section. The right to act or refuse to act in a manner motivated by a sincerely held religious belief, philosophical belief, or matter of conscience may not be burdened unless the government proves that it has a compelling governmental interest in infringing the specific act or refusal to act and has used the least restrictive means to further that interest.

Federal law currently prohibits discrimination against a variety of protected classes. Discrimination based on race, gender, disability, or nationality is prohibited under federal law, for example. But gays and lesbians are not a protected class in federal law. So the main impact of this bill would be to allow discrimination, based on religious belief or matters of conscience, against gay and lesbian clients.

Still, the broad wording of these laws allows for much farther-reaching impact. A commentary on the Washington proposal in the (Salem, OR) Statesman-Journal suggests that it could revive religious objections to mixed-race couples. The group Americans United for Separation of Church and State describes other acts that these bills appear to legalize:

A pharmacist could refuse to provide Plan B drugs to a rape victim. The owner of an apartment building could refuse to rent to an unmarried couple.

These examples and more can be applied to therapists and their clients, with the therapist either as discriminator or victim. A therapist under these laws may refuse to treat gay and lesbian clients. In states that leave out the federal law stipulation that Washington included, that therapist may also refuse to treat Mexicans, or Mormons, or any other group they see fit to turn away. Therapists working at hospitals, in group practices, or in other settings as employees might also be discriminated against at the moral whim of their employers, who would be able to summarily fire therapists who have premarital sex (or who don’t, if the employer decides that their personal morals favor premarital sex), or who identify as gay or lesbian. Each of these would be of questionable legality even under the new laws, because of the potentially overriding impact of federal anti-discrimination law, but they would appear to be clearly illegal in most instances under current law. Bringing the legality of such acts into question — inviting lawsuits to sort out the underlying issues, and placing a high burden on the state to justify any restriction of acts of morality or conscience — seems to be the idea.

Ultimately, if these and similar laws continue to pass around the country, the non-discrimination clause in the AAMFT Code of Ethics may best be considered moot. Any therapist with moral or religious beliefs that declare some people to be unequal could freely discriminate on the basis of race, gender, nationality, or any other basis without fear of any repercussions against their license. AAMFT could still act on an ethics complaint, even removing a therapist from the association. But the therapist would never need to inform clients that the complaint had happened, and could freely continue in practice as the state could not discipline their license.

Bills similar to the ones enacted in Kansas and Kentucky, and proposed in Washington and Tennessee, are now pending in several other states:

  • In Texas, a religious-freedom act already exists in state law, but Texas Senate Joint Resolution 4 would make that law part of the state Constitution.
  • Nevada Senate Bill 192 is similarly broad and has advanced through the Senate to the state Assembly.
  • In Arizona, Senate Bill 1178 has been amended from a bill on long-term disability into a broad religious-freedom measure.
  • And in Michigan, where religious-freedom legislation proposed in response to the Julea Ward case failed last year, a broader bill on religious freedom in health care (Michigan Senate Bill 136) is making progress. Among other changes, the Michigan bill would (quoting a Senate Committee Analysis) “Prohibit an employer from penalizing a health provider and prohibit a university, college, or educational institution from refusing admission to an individual or penalizing a student or member of its faculty or staff for expressing a conscientious objection or requesting an accommodation to avoid participating in a health care service.”

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Kentucky passes, and Tennessee considers, “conscience clause” legislation

Bills would allow religious therapists to refuse treatment to gay and lesbian clients.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Kentucky state capitol buildingIt has been a big week for court cases on the rights of gays and lesbians, with California’s Proposition 8 and the federal Defense of Marriage Act both debated at the US Supreme Court. In the mental health world, over the past few months, Eastern Michigan University settled the Julea Ward case without admitting wrongdoing, the “Julea Ward Freedom of Conscience Act” languished in the Michigan legislature, and Jennifer Keeton lost her discrimination case against Augusta State. At a glance, it appears that gay and lesbian clients are making progress toward equality under the law and protection from discrimination in mental health care.

Kentucky and Tennessee, however, appear to be going in a different direction. Both states have moved to protect those therapists who would choose not to treat gay and lesbian clients based on the therapist’s religious beliefs.

Kentucky

In Kentucky, the state legislature has enacted a broadly-worded law to protect religious belief, even overriding the Governor’s veto to do so. The entirety of the new state law:

“Government shall not substantially burden a person’s freedom of religion. The right to act or refuse to act in a manner motivated by a sincerely held religious belief may not be substantially burdened unless the government proves by clear and convincing evidence that it has a compelling governmental interest in infringing the specific act or refusal to act and has used the least restrictive means to further that interest. A ‘burden’ shall include indirect burdens such as withholding benefits, assessing penalties, or an exclusion from programs or access to facilities.”

While the law is broad, it seems to me that it would clearly apply to a future case similar to Ward’s or Keeton’s; a student therapist refusing to treat gay and lesbian clients (in the language of the law, “refus[ing] to act”) based on a sincerely held religious belief could not be removed from their university (“exclusion from programs”) or even disciplined in any way (“assessing penalties”). Yes, the “unless” clause creates a possible exception, but it also creates a very high bar for that exception. And although the bill applies specifically to government, the state’s major family therapy programs — at Kentucky, Western Kentucky, and Louisville — are all housed in public (state-government-funded) institutions, so courts would be likely to apply the new law to any actions taken by these programs.

It is also notable that the Kentucky bill is so broad that it would apply in any setting, not just universities, so licensed therapists working in public mental health settings also appear to be granted the freedom to discriminate in client care based on their religious beliefs, without fear of repercussions.

Tennessee

Tennessee, meanwhile, is considering a much more specific bill modeled after last year’s unsuccessful effort at conscience clause legislation in Michigan. The Tennessee bill, which would allow students in counseling, psychology, or social work programs to refuse to treat clients based on the student’s religious beliefs so long as they refer to a therapist willing to serve the clients, has moved forward in the state legislature despite objections from psychology faculty at the University of Tennessee. Those faculty members argued that the bill would allow

“a Hindu, opposed to killing animals, refusing to counsel a hunter; a Christian refusing to provide counseling to a Jew; [and] a student who opposes alcohol consumption refusing to counsel someone with a drinking problem.”

The professors went on to argue that, by allowing therapists to make the kinds of choices described above, the bill would force educational programs to allow their students to violate professional codes of ethics. This, they argue, would threaten the programs’ accreditation status. (As I’ve mentioned before, accreditation has been a handy cudgel for those on both sides of the debate.)

The bill (SB514) has passed the Tennessee Senate and is currently awaiting hearing in the state House of Representatives.

Other states

There seems to be some confusion (especially in the Tennessee legislature) about whether the Michigan bill (HB5040 and SB518, in 2011) passed; as best as I can tell, it never made it out of that state’s Senate Education Committee. A similar Arizona bill, however, was successful, so these proposals seem to be batting about .500 so far.

As I have said previously, the underlying issues are complex. It is of course true that every mental health profession’s code of ethics prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. But many of those same codes also require therapists to place the client’s values above their own — and to make referrals when the therapist is unable to do that, or if the therapist is unable, for any reason, to provide competent treatment. Religious therapists who have strong beliefs against homosexuality are placed in the difficult position of balancing the ethical requirement that they not discriminate with the ethical requirement that they provide competent services, without letting their own values interfere. What seems to be clear is that if mental health professional groups cannot better clarify these issues on their own, some state legislatures are quite willing do it for them.

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Eastern Michigan settles Julea Ward case

The university settled in December and will pay Ward $75,000, according to AnnArbor.com.

JudgesTools IconJulea Ward’s lawsuit against her graduate program in counseling at Eastern Michigan University took several interesting turns last year. The case started when Ward refused to counsel a gay client as part of her training; the university determined this was discrimination, and expelled Ward from the program. She sued, claiming she was being singled out for her religious beliefs. I’ve previously discussed the case here and here.

Ward’s case is often discussed in the same breath as Jennifer Keeton’s. Keeton sued Augusta State University, where she had been a graduate student in counseling, after the university expelled her for clearly stating her refusal to counsel gay and lesbian clients and her unwillingness to complete a university-mandated remediation plan.

While Keeton lost her case, Ward appeared to at least have some chance of winning hers. In a footnote within his ruling in favor of Augusta State University in the Keeton case, United States District Judge J. Randal Hall made it clear that the two cases had similar themes but very different specifics (citations removed, and paragraph breaks and emphasis added, for clarity):

This case is distinguishable. In Ward, the plaintiff, a student enrolled in Eastern Michigan University’s graduate counseling program, asked to refer a gay client during her practicum course because she claimed that her faith prevented her from affirming a client’s same-sex relationships. No remediation plan was issued; instead, the plaintiff was promptly dismissed from the program following a formal review. […] The plaintiff in Ward was disciplined after she asked to refer a client, but evidence showed that the university may not have had a policy prohibiting such referrals; indeed, there was evidence that referrals had been permitted for others in the past. […] The Sixth Circuit held that a juror could find that the plaintiff was dismissed because of her religious views.

This case presents a stark contrast: Keeton was cited by faculty for statements which evinced an intent to clearly violate program policies, i.e., according to the remediation plan, faculty believed that Keeton had expressed an interest in conversion therapy. Moreover, Keeton later stated definitively, and without mention of referral, that she would not withhold open judgment of a client’s sexual choices in a counseling session, action also in violation of program policies. One final set of facts serves to
distinguish the two cases – Keeton was not, like the plaintiff in Ward, summarily dismissed. Instead, she was subjected to a remediation plan, the details and import of which was painstakingly explained by faculty members through meetings, written plans, emails, and face-to-face discussions. […]

In sum, the patience and measure exhibited by faculty members during the course of Keeton’s protracted remediation proceedings, coupled with the nature and content of their efforts to ensure that Keeton understood how her actions violated professional ethics and could harm future clients, mark this case as different from Ward.

Eastern Michigan, apparently seeing the writing on the wall, chose to settle with Ward and has agreed to pay her $75,000. Notably, the university is neither admitting any wrongdoing nor changing any of its policies as a result of the ruling, according to AnnArbor.com. In the meantime, Michigan’s legislature debated the “Julea Ward Freedom of Conscience Act” — which would have allowed graduate students in mental health to refuse to treat gay and lesbian clients if providing treatment would conflict with the student’s religious beliefs.

I’ve written about that and a similar “conscience clause” bill that did become law in Arizona. A similar bill has now been proposed in Tennessee, which I’ll tackle in a separate post.

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As landmark California law heads to court, few support reparative therapy for minors

SB1172 would prevent licensed therapists from trying to change the sexual orientation of minors.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                            

JudgesTools IconTwo lawsuits (Pickup v Brown and Welch v Brown) have sought to stop the implementation of SB1172, California’s landmark bill passed last year that outlaws the practice of reparative therapy on minors. Though one of these suits did lead to an injunction preventing 1172 from taking effect until the legal challenges could be sorted out, things aren’t looking good for those who would like it to remain legal for licensed therapists to try to turn gay kids straight.

Here is a list of all those who have filed amicus (“friend of the court”) briefs in support of SB1172, as of the February 10 listing on the federal appeals court’s web page for this case. I’ve put the major professional mental health associations in bold. (Full disclosure: I’m on the AAMFT-CA Board of Directors, and represented the organization in a lot of work on SB1172 and the brief onto which AAMFT-CA signed.)

American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy – California Division
American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California
Rt. Rev. Marc Handley Andrus, Episcopal Bishop of California
California Council of Churches
California Faith for Equality
California Network of Metropolitan Community Churches
California Psychological Association
Childrenā€™s Law Center of California
City and County of San Francisco
Dependency Legal Group of San Diego
Dr. Jack Drescher
East Bay Childrenā€™s Law Offices
Equality California
First Amendment Scholars
Gaylesta
Health Law Scholars
Justice and Witness Ministries
The LGBTQ-Affirmative Therapist Guild of Utah
Legal Advocates for Children and Youth
Legal Services for Children
Los Angeles Gay & Lesbian Center
Los Angeles Youth Network
National Association of Social Workers
National Association of Social Workers – California Chapter

Parents, Family and Friends of Lesbians and Gays
Public Counsel
St. Paul’s Foundation for International Reconciliation
Survivors of Sexual Orientation Change Efforts
The Trevor Project
Truth Wins Out
Unitarian Universalist Legislative Ministry California
United Church of Christ

Quite a list, eh? Lawyers, scholars, local government, mental health professionals, churches, and advocacy groups, all on the same side. And here is a list of all those who have filed amicus briefs in support of using therapy to try to turn gay kids straight, and asking that the law be struck down:

National Legal Foundation

While the points of emphasis are a bit different from one brief to the next, those briefs in support of SB1172 make a number of compelling arguments. The restriction on reparative therapy isn’t unique, as California already restricts a variety of health care practices; the legislature made a well-informed decision in rejecting the practice of reparative therapy among minors; reparative therapists can’t claim free speech as a defense here, since many professional restrictions are by their nature restrictions on speech (like the rules requiring therapists to maintain confidentiality for their clients); and on and on. Basically every argument made by those who support reparative therapy gets demolished. They’re interesting reading, and a good preview of the legal arguments on both sides.

The two cases will be heard together in April at the US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Obviously, the number of groups on either side of the issue will not decide the case, but the level of consensus here at least says something about just how far on the fringes reparative therapy has become.

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